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Clinical
Psychology (PSY401)
VU
Lecture
39
INTRODUCTION
AND HISTORY OF HEALTH
PSYCHOLOGY
INTRODUCTION
Our
lifestyle affects our health
and sense of well-being.
Most health problems in the United
States are
related
to chronic diseases (such as
heart disease, cancer, and
stroke), and these diseases
are often associ-
ated
with behavior or lifestyle
choices (such as smoking or
overeating) made by individuals . The
costs
of
medical care have skyrocketed to more
than 14% of the gross domestic
product (GDP), or more
than
$898
billion annually. The
potential financial burden
associated with health
problems has led many
to
reevaluate
their lifestyles and
behavior. There has also
been a shift in perception. Health
has become
associated
with positive well-being
rather than simply the
absence of disease. These trends, as
well as
others,
have led Americans to focus
much more intensely on behaviors
and lifestyles that promote health
and
prevent disease.
Psychology,
as a science of behavior, has
much to contribute to the field of
health, and health
psychology
has
become a fast-growing specialty in
clinical psychology. One
clue that an emerging
field
has
indeed been recognized is
the appearance of textbooks
and handbooks detailing that
field. General
textbooks
on health psychology are now
prevalent (for example, Brannon &
Feist, 2000; Rice,
1998;
S.
E. Taylor. 1999), as are specialized
textbooks on clinical health
psychology (Belar & Deardorff,
1995;
Camic
& Knight, 1998), women
and health (Blechman &
Brownell, 1998), and pediatric
health
psychology
(Goreczny & Hersen,
1999).
In
addition, several specialty journals
(including
Health Psychology and Journal of
Behavioral Medi-
c
i n e ) report
on research in these fields.
Finally, a separate division of the
American Psychological
Association
(Division 38) has been
established as a way to publicize
and advance the
contributions of
health
psychologists.
DEFINITION
Although
a variety of definitions have been
offered over the years,
behavioral
medicine basically
refers to
the
integration of the behavioral
sciences with the practice and
science of medicine. Matarazzo
11980)
uses
the term to refer to the broad
interdisciplinary field of scientific
investigation, education, and
practice
that
is concerned with health, illness, and
related physiological dysfunctions
Health
psychology is
a specialty area within
psychology. It is a more
discipline-specific term.
referring
to
psychology's primary role as a science
and profession in behavioral medicine. It
includes health-
related
practice, research, and reaching by many
kinds of psychologists-social, industrial,
physiological,
and
others. Health psychology
has been specifically
defined as
The
aggregate of the specific
educational, scientific, and
professional contributions
of
the
discipline of psychology to the
promotion and maintenance of health,
the preven-
tion
and treatment of illness,
and the identification of etiologic
and diagnostic
correlates
of health, illness and related
dysfunction. (Matarazzo,
1980)
This
definition was later amended to
include psychologists' roles as
formulators of health care policy
and
contributors to the health
care system. A recent
definition of health psychology
that
incorporates
these new roles has
been offered by Brannon and
Feist (2000), who state
that
Health
psychology "includes psychology's contributions to
the enhancement of
health.
the prevention and treatment
of illness, the identification of health
risk
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Psychology (PSY401)
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factors,
the improvement of the health care
system, and shaping of public
opinion
with
regard to health"
HISTORY
As
noted by Rice (1998), two
major perspectives have
influenced our views of
health and illness. First
is
the
biomedical tradition, which
developed over time as
people sought to gain knowledge
through
experience
and observation. Early attempts were
rather crude (for example,
the discovery of the
benefits
of acupuncture. Hippocrates' humoral
theory of disease and
treatment), but later
biomedical
scientists
focused on anatomy, "germ
theory," and ultimately
genetics in their attempt to define
and
understand
illness and disease. This
Western tendency to focus
solely on biological factors
and to adopt a
reductionistic
approach is not without its
limitations, however (Rice, 1998).
For example, critics
argue
that
we still do not know ,hat causes disease;
rather, we have simply discovered another
malfunction at a
smaller
level of analysis (for
example, at the DNA
level).
Biomedical
research may be so charmed with
somatic correlates (such as abnormal
physical processes
and
biochemical imbalances) that psychosocial
variables are often ignored.
Finally this
tradition
reinforces
the mind-body dualism perspective, one
that is both outdated and
limed in its utility.
This
is
not to say that the
biomedical tradition has
been unimportant or irrelevant to
medicine, science,
and
psychology. Rather, a strict
biomedical viewpoint is at times too
narrow because it
cannot
adequately
account for widely encountered forms of
illness and disease.
A
second major influence on
our views of health and illness is
the psychosocial perspective
.Rice, 1998).
For
centuries, medical literature has
recognized that psychological
and social processes may
either
cause
or influence illness and
disease. By the 1940s, this broad
generalization had coalesced
into the
field
of psychosomatic
medicine.
Psychosomatic
medicine is based on he assumption that
certain illnesses and disease
states are caused by
psychological
factors. Researchers (for example,
Alexander, 1950) identified
several "psychosomatic"
diseases,
including peptic ulcers,
essential hypertension, and
bronchial asthma. All illnesses
were
divided
into those caused by
"organic" or physical factors
and those caused by
psychological factors.
Some
who adopted this perspective believed
that each psychosomatic
illness had a different,
specific
underlying
unconscious conflict predisposing
the person to that
disorder.
For
example, repressed hostility
was believed to result in rheumatoid
arthritis. Although
initially
appealing,
these ideas.(and psychosomatic medicine
in general) began to founder as it
became apparent
that
such specific psychogenic factors were
not very predictive; most
empirical studies did not
support
the
theories. In fact, psychosocial factors
are involved in all
diseases, but these factors
may not necessarily
have
a primary causal
role.
Psychosomatic
medicine was largely the
province of psychiatrists and physicians.
However,
behavioral
psychologists began to extend the
range of their therapy
methods to the so called
medical
disorders.
Problems such as obesity and
smoking came under the
scrutiny of psychologists as
well.
Then
came a rapid increase in the
use of biofeedback to help
patients control or modify
certain
physiological
responses.
Another
set of factors was slow to
develop but ultimately had a
strong impact. By the 1960s,
many
major
infectious diseases had been
conquered. The helping
professions began to turn
their attention to
two
of the biggest killers: cardiovascular
diseases and cancer. Behaviors
such as overeating,
smoking,
and
drinking were increasingly identified as
major correlates of these diseases. The
spotlight began
to
shine not just on the
disease process itself, but
also on the associated
behaviors whose reduction
or
elimination
might reduce individuals' vulnerability
to disease.
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During
the 1960s, stressful life
events began to be implicated as specific
risk factors for illness
(for
example,
Holmes & Rahe, 1967). The examination of
how stressful major life
events affect health led to
an
examination
of the health consequences of
daily hassles, which can
also prove stressful (for
example, R. S.
Lazarus,
1984). A related line of research
demonstrated how personality
and behavioral style can
influence
health.
The impetus came from two
cardiologists who were
impressed with a common
constellation of
traits
and behaviors shared by many
who suffered from coronary heart
disease. The so-called Type
A
personality
(Friedman & Rosenman, 1974) is
characterized by hostility, competitiveness,
and being
time
driven. Although subsequent
research has failed to support a
direct link between Type A
personality
and
heart disease (Brannon &
Feist, 2000; Rice, 1998),
the hypothesis stimulated
research in health
psychology
and served to focus attention on other
behavioral risk factors for
coronary heart disease
(such
as
smoking and lack of exercise), as
well as on prevention
efforts.
The
recognition that both
psychological and social
factors influence illness
and health is the
basis
of
an influential perspective known as the
biopsychosocial
model (Engel,
1977). In many ways,
this
model
can be viewed as an integration of
the biomedical and
psychosocial perspectives. As the
name
implies,
the biopsychosocial model holds that
illness and health are a
function of biological,
psychological,
and social influences. Biological
influences can include genetic
predispositions,
nutritional
deficiencies, and biochemical
imbalances. Psychological influences
can include the
individual's
behaviors, emot i on s, and
cog n it i ons.
Finally,
soci al influences can
include friends, family memb
ers, home environment, and
life
events.
This biopsychosocial model represents
how health psychologists conceptualize problems
and plan
interventions.
Many
other factors were important in
the development of the field
of health psychology. The
tremendous
cost
of health care has already
been noted, along with
the fact that infectious
diseases were no longer
the
principal culprits. A large
portion of health care costs
are directly traceable to human
behaviors
and
lifestyles that result in injuries,
accidents, poisonings, or violence. Lifestyle
choices such as alcohol
and
drug
abuse, smoking, and dietary
patterns contribute to a variety of
illnesses and
diseases.
The
foregoing are just a few of
the more prominent factors in the
development of the health
psychology
field.
We turn now to a discussion of
how stress, lifestyle and
behavior, personality, social support,
and
health
are linked. These links
form the basis of the field of
health psychology.
LINKING
HEALTH WITH LIFESTYLE, BEHAVIOR,
PERSONALITY, SOCIAL S UP P
ORT,
AND
STRESS
What
are the processes by which
psychological and social
factors influence health and
disease?
STRESS
AND HEALTH:
Although
the term stress is frequently used, it is
not often precisely defined
( B r a n n o n & F e i s t , 2 0 0 0 ).
S
o me u s e t h e t e r m t o refer to a quality of an external
stimulus (such as a stressful interview),
others to
refer
to a response to a stimulus (the
interview caused stress),
and still others believe
stress results from
an
interaction between stimulus and response
(stress resulted because the interview
was challenging and
I
was not prepared).
Most
contemporary health psychologists
adopt this third,
interactionist viewpoint, seeing
stress as a
process
that involves an environmental
event (a stressor), its
appraisal by the individual
(is it
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challenging
or threatening?), the various
responses of the organism
(physiological, emotional,
cognitive,
behavioral), and the reevaluations that
occur as a result of these responses
and changes in the
stressor
(Rice, 1998). These and
other psychosocial stimuli may
contribute to a stress process
that can
then
directly affect the hormonal
system, the autonomic
system, and the immune
system.
The
physiological effect of stress on the
body involves a complex
chain of events (Brannon & Feist,
2000).
Stress
causes the sympathetic
nervous system, a system
responsible for mobilizing
body resources in ur-
gent
situations, to stimulate the adrenal medulla of the adrenal
gland. This results in the
production of the
catecholamines
epinephrine and nor
epinephrine, whose effects on the
body include increased
heart
rate,
respiration, blood flow, and
muscle strength. Stress also
causes the pituitary gland
(a structure
connected
to the hypothalamus in the forebrain) to
release adrenocorticotropic hormone
(ACTH), and
ACTH
stimulates the adrenal'
cortex of the adrenal gland
to secrete glucocorticoids. The
most im-
portant
glucocorticoids where stress is concerned
is cortisol. Cortisol is a hormone
that, like epi-
nephrine
and nor epinephrine,
mobilizes the body's
resources. Cortisol serves
primarily to increase
energy
level and decrease
inflammation. The latter
function is particularly useful if
injuries are sustained
in
an
urgent situation.
Although
responses of the body to
stress can be helpful, severe
stress and prolonged
activation of these
systems
can have adverse effects o
body organs, mental
functions, and the immune
system. For example,
stress
can affect the immune system
so that it cannot effectively
destroy viruses, bacteria,
tumors,
and
irregular cells. More than
two decades ago, Ader
and Cohen (1975) presented
evidence
suggesting
that the nervous system and the
immune system interact and
are interdependent by
demonstrating
that immune system responses in
rats could be classically
conditioned. This
initial
report
eventually, led to a number of
studies investigating the
relationship between physiological
fac-
tors
(such as reactions to stress)
and immune system response
(Brannon & Feist, 2000). Currently it
remains
unclear
whether immunosuppression is a direct
effect of stress or whether it is simply
part of the body's
response
to stressful events (Brannon & Feist,
2000). In any case, stress
does appear to be an
important
(though
not the only)influence on health
and illness.
BEHAVIOR
AND HEALTH:
Behaviors,
habits, and lifestyles can
affect both health and
disease. Everything from smoking,
excessive
drinking,
or poor diet to deficient
hygiene practices have been implicated.
Such behaviors are often
deeply
rooted
in cultural values or personal
needs and expectations. In any event,
they are not easily
changed. We
will
discuss in more detail
several behaviors or lifestyle choices
that have been linked to
health. These
include
cigarette smoking, alcohol
abuse and dependence, and
weight control.
Cognitive
variables may influence our
decisions about adopting
healthy or unhealthy behaviors.
To
cite
one example, many health psychologists
have focused on the variable self
efficacy. Self-efficacy,
refers
to "people's beliefs about
their capabilities to exercise control
over events that affect t h e i r l i v e s
"
(
B a n d u r a , 1 9 8 9 , ) S e l f - e f f i cacy is
relevant to a number of topics addressed by
health psychologists,
including
major theories of health-related behavior
change. This construct plays a
major role in the
most
prominent
social cognitive models of health
behavior, including the health
belief model (Rosenstock,
1974:
Rosenstock, Strecher, & Becker,
1988), protection motivation
theory (R. WV. Rogers, 1975;
Sturges
&
Rogers, 1996), and the
theory of planned behavior (Ajzen,
1985, 1988).
Protection
motivation theory (PMT),
for
example, posits that
behavior is a function of
threat
appraisal
(an evaluation of factors
that will affect the
likelihood of engaging in the behavior,
such as
perceived
vulnerability and perceived potential
for harm) and coping
appraisal (an evaluation
of
one's
ability to avoid or cope with
negative outcome). Coping appraisal is
influenced by one's
self-
efficacy
or belief that one can
implement the appropriate
coping behavior or strategy
(Maddux et al.,
1995).
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An
example that applies PMT to a
real-life health decision may be
instructive. Janey, an
adolescent
girl
faced with a decision about
whether or not to start
smoking cigarettes, according to
PMT,
would
engage in threat appraisal and coping
appraisal. Threat appraisal might involve
evaluating the
dangers
of smoking (such as lung cancer) as
well as the likelihood of
her own vulnerability to
this outcome.
To
the extent that she does
not perceive the danger to
be severe or immediate to herself. Janey
might be
more
likely to start smoki n g . C o p i n g a
p p r a i s al i s a l s o r e l ev a n t . T h i s p ro cess
might involve
Janey's
evaluation of how likely it is
that she could refrain
from smoking (the recommended
coping
strategy).
To the extent that Janey's believes
she will not be able to refrain
from smoking (for
example,
because
all her f ri e n d s smo k e s , i t b e
c o me s mo r e l i k e l y t h a t s h e will engage
in this behavior.
Thus,
the cognitive variable self-efficacy
can play a prominent role in
behavior and lifestyle
choices
that
ultimat ely influence
health.
Problems
can also arise from the ways
in which people respond to illness.
Some people may be
unable
or unwilling to appreciate the
severity of their illness
and fail to seek timely
medical help.
When
they do get medical advice,
they may fail to heed it.
All of these behaviors can indirectly
foster
adverse
outcomes.
PERSONALITY
FACTORS:
Both
directly and indirectly,
personality characteristics can
affect health and illness in
many ways
(Friedman
& Booth-Kewlev, 1987):
(1)
personality features may
result from disease
processes;
(2)
personality features may lead to
unhealthy behaviors;
(3)
personality may directly
affect disease through p h y s i o l o g
i c a l me c h a n i s ms : ( 4 ) a t h i r d ,
u
n d e rl y ing biological variable
may relate to both
personality and disease;
and
(5)
several causes and feedback loops
may
affect
the relationship between personality
and disease.
Perhaps
the most widely studied association
between a personality trait
and illness is that between Type
A
behavior and coronary heart disease. As
mentioned previously, the notion of a
possible link between
personality
or coping style and adverse
health consequences, specifically
coronary heart disease,
was
proposed
by two cardiologists (Friedman &
Rosenman, 1974). They identified a
set of discriminating
personality
characteristics and behaviors and
proposed that these constitute a
Type A
behavior
pattern.
Glass
(1977) describes Type A
individuals as those who
tend to:
Perceive
time passing quickly,
Show
a deteriorating performance on tasks
that require delayed
responding,
Work
near maximum capacity even
when there is no time
deadline,
Arrive
early for
appointments,
Become
aggressive and hostile when
frustrated,
Report
less fatigue and fewer
physical symptoms,
Are
intensely motivated to master
their physical and social
environments and to maintain
control,
A
number of early studies suggested a
relationship between Type A
behavior and coronary heart
disease.
However, these findings were
often misinterpreted as indicating
that Type A individuals
are
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likely
to develop coronary heart
disease (Davison & Neale,
1998). More recent studies do not
show
as
strong a relationship between
Type A behavior and heart
disease as was once thought
(Smith,
1992),
and it is clear that the
vast majority of Type A
individuals do not develop
coronary heart
disease
(CHD). However, Type A
individuals are at relatively
greater risk for CHD.
More recent
studies
suggest that the anger-hostility
component of the Type A pattern does a
better job of
predicting
coronary heart disease than
the more global Type A
categorization.
SOCIAL
SUPPORT AND HEALTH:
A
topic attracting increased
research interest is social support and its
effects on health and
well-being.
Social
support refers
not only to the number of social
relationships, but also to the
quality of those
relationships
(can you confide in your
friends and family members?)
The basic idea is that
interpersonal
ties
can actually promote health.
They insulate people from
harm when they encounter
stress, decrease
susceptibility
to illness, and help people
comply with and maintain
treatment regimens. Social support
is, in
many
ways, a kind of coping
assistance. A number of studies have
indicated that better health outcomes
are
positively
related to social support. For example,
Williams et al. (1992)
followed approximately
1400
patients
with coronary artery disease
for an average of 9 years,
and found that patients
who rated higher
on
measures of social support
(for example, married, able
to confide in spouses) exhibited
significantly
lower
rates of mortality over the
follow-up period. This
relation held even after
controlling for demographic
variables
and medical risk factors.
This study and others
suggest that social support
may act as a type of
"buffer"
against adverse health outcomes.
The
relationships among social
support stress, and health
may depend on a number o
factors,
including
race, gender, and culture.
For example, women (on average)
seem to benefit more from
social
support
than do men; this may be because women
tend to have more emotionally intimate
relationships
(Brannon
& Feist 2000). Preliminary
data also suggest that
white may benefit from social support
more
than
non whites (Brannon & Feist,
2000). However, the reason
for this is not clear,
and the possibility of
race
and ethnic differences needs
further study Clearly, the
relationship between social
support
and
health is complex.
RANGE
OF APPLICATIONS OF HEALTH
PSYCHOLOGY
A
full description of all the problems is
hard to describe but a partial
list culled from recent
accounts
would
include the following:
1.
Smoking
2.
Alcohol abuse Obesity
3.
Type A personality
4.
Hypertension
5.
Alzheimer's disease
6.
Acquired immune deficiency syndrome
(AIDS)
7.
Cystic fibrosis
8.
Anorexia nervosa
9.
Chronic vomiting
10.
Ulcers
11.
Irritable bowel syndrome
12.
Tics
13.
Cerebral palsy
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14.
Cerebrovascular accidents
15.
Epilepsy
16.
Asthma
17.
Neurodermatitis
18.
Chronic pain
19.
Headaches
20.
Insomnia Diabetes
21.
Dental disorders
22.
Cancer
23.
Spinal cord injuries
24.
Sexual dysfunction
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