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Clinical
Psychology (PSY401)
VU
Lecture
38
METHODS OF
INTERVENTION AND CHANGE IN
COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY
Here we
will describe the methods of
intervention and change in
community psychology, our
focus will be
on
patterns of service
delivery.
1.
CONSULTATION
What
is consultation?
Orford
(1992) offers the following
definition:
`'Consultation
is the process whereby an individual
(the consultee) who has
responsibility for
providing
a service to others (the
clients) voluntarily consults
another person (the
consultant) who is
believed
to possess some special
expertise which will help
the consultee provide a
better service to
his
or
her clients''
In
a world short of mental health personnel,
the basic advantage of consultation is
that its effects are
multiplied
like the ripples from a
stone thrown into a pond.
Using individual techniques of
intervention, the
mental
health specialist can reach
only a very limited number
of clients. But by consulting with
other
service
providers, such as teachers, police,
and ministers, he or she can
reach many more clients
indirectly
(Orford,
1992).
Consultation
can be viewed from several
orientations, each springing from a
somewhat different
historical
perspective.
First,
there is mental health consultation. This
grew out of the psychoanalytic
and psychodynamic tradition.
It
was often practiced in rural
or underdeveloped areas where there
was a shortage of mental health
personnel.
Consultation became a way of using
existing community personnel
(such as teachers or
ministers)
to help solve the mental health problems
of such areas.
A
second orientation developed out of
the behavioral tradition. In order to
implement the technology of
behavior
modification that had been so
successful in laboratory settings, it
was necessary to move into
real-
life
situations. To do that, people in the patient's
environment (such as home or
school) had to be trained to
properly
dispense reinforcements for
the desired behavior. Consultation
became a way of providing
such
training.
The
third orientation is an organizational
one that emphasizes consultation to
industry. Specialists
work
with
management or work group
leaders to improve morale, job
satisfaction, and productivity or to
reduce
inefficiency,
absenteeism, alcoholism, or other
problems.
TYPES
OF MENTAL HEALTH
CONSULTATIONS
Approaches
to mental health consultation can be classified in many
ways. Perhaps the most
widely accepted
classification
is Caplan's (1970). It includes the
following categories:
1.
Client-centered
case consultation. Here
the focus is on helping a specific
client or patient to solve a
current
problem. For example, a clinician might
be asked to consult with a colleague on a
diagnostic
problem
involving a specific patient.
2.
Consul
tee-centered case
consultation. In
this instance, the aim is to
help the consultee enhance
the skills
that
he or she needs in order to deal with
future cases. For example, a
teacher might be advised on
how to
selectively
reinforce behavior in order to reduce
classroom disturbances.
3.
Program-centered administrative
consultation. The
notion here is to assist in
the administration or
management
of a specific program. For instance, a
consultant might be hired to
set up an "early
warning
system"
in the schools to detect
potential cases of
maladjustment.
4.
Consultee-centered
administrative consultation. Here
the aim is to improve the
skills of an administrator
in
the hope that this will
enable her or him to
function better in the
future. For example, a sensitivity
group
275
Clinical
Psychology (PSY401)
VU
consisting
of administrators might be monitored by a
consultant in order to help enhance
the administrators'
communication
skills.
PHASES
OF CONSULTATION
Several
general techniques can
enhance the effectiveness of
the consulting process. In most
cases, the
consultation
process will pass through
the following phases:
1.
The
entry or preparatory
phase. In
the initial phase, the
exact nature of the
consultant relationship
and
mutual
obligations are worked
out.
2.
The beginning or warming-up
phase. In
this phase, the working
relationship is established.
3.
The alternative action phase.
This
phase encompasses the development of
specific, alternative solutions
and
strategies of problem
solving.
4.
Termination.
When
it is mutually agreed that further
consultation is unnecessary, termination
follows.
Unfortunately,
community mental health centers have
had difficulty providing consultation
services,
especially
to schools and community
agencies; the budgetary support
has just not been there.
What is
particularly
troubling about this state of affair that
there is empirical support
for the efficacy of
consultation?
2.
COMMUNITY ALTERNATIVES TO
HOSPITALIZATION
The
nation's mental hospitals have
long been objects of criticism.
Despite the fact that there is a
core of
"undischargeable"
patients, there are alternatives to
our current hospital system-alternatives
that will
provide
environments geared to the goal of
enabling patients to resume a
responsible place in society.
Examples
of alternatives include the community
lodge. This is akin to a
halfway house where
formerly
chronic,
hospitalized patients can learn independent
living skills. The Mendota
Program (Marx, Test,
&
Stein,
1973) was a pioneering
attempt to help formerly
"undischargeable" patients find jobs, learn
cooking
and
shopping skills, and so on. Finally,
there is the growing
popularity of day hospitals that
are often more
effective
and less expensive than
traditional 24-hour
hospitalization.
3.
CRISIS INTERVENTION
The
basic goal of crisis
intervention
is to
reach people in an acute state of
stress and to provide them
with
enough
support to prevent them from becoming
the chronically mentally ill of
the future. Persons in
crisis
are
often in a uniquely "reachable" state
that can pave the way
for future long-term
interventions.
Crisis
intervention requires the
relinquishing of traditional procedures
and prerogatives. For example,
crisis
intervention
centers must be close to the
communities they serve. Clients should
not have to travel 20
miles
to
reach an office or wade
through 15 secretaries once
they reach it. Obviously,
there must be immediate
service.
Walk-in centers or phone
services must be available
all day and all
night, and appointments
should
not
be required. Staff members must be
prepared to leave their office-to go
with police or to visit
homes.
Finally,
crises tend to obliterate
customary professional roles, pecking
orders, and prerogatives. There
is
typically
no time for discussion of whether a
paraprofessional received an A or a B in abnormal
psychol-
ogy,
or for a visit from an expert
consultant. This is not to
suggest that training has no
place. However,
crisis
intervention requires a versatility
and flexibility that are not
often found in traditional
clinics or
hospitals.
Early
crisis programs were often
built largely around telephone answering
services. However, it
soon
became
apparent that such services
were too slow. Consequently,
the emphasis is now on
24-hour services
staffed
by workers who personally take calls. Current
interventions emphasize follow-up
both to check on
the
well-being of the client and
to assess the adequacy of
the services provided by the
agency to which the
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Clinical
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client
was referred. Current intervention
procedures also encourage
face-to-face contact rather
than the
earlier
over reliance on the telephone. Emerging
interventions even include temporary
shelter (such as for
battered
women and their children),
transportation, and follow-up services
and consultation to survivors of
suicides.
One
of the earliest applications of the
crisis philosophy was the
establishment of suicide prevention
centers.
An
illustrative example is McGee's (1974) development of
the Suicide and Crisis
Intervention Service
(SCIS)
in Gainesville, Florida. The
policy of SCIS was simply
"to respond to every request
to participate in
the
solution of any human problem whenever
and wherever it occurs" (McGee, 1974, p.
181, italics
deleted).
The attitude of the SCIS was
that people in crisis were neither sick
nor mentally ill. Thus,
the
service
was not necessarily either a medical
one or a mental health one.
People
in crisis were to be given immediate,
active, and aggressive services. SCIS
regarded people in crisis
as
the responsibility of the
community and felt that, as
citizens, they had a right
to expect such a
community
service.
In contrast to many community health organizations
that are often at least
subtly immersed in
intra
psychic
concepts, the SCIS-type
crisis center is organized with
the idea of community Control. It is
staffed
largely
by neighborhood volunteers, and it is geared
toward the specific characteristics of
the immediate
community.
Are
these interventions really
helpful? Although studies on
crisis intervention proliferated in
the 1970s, we
still
do not have a definitive
answer. Much depends on the
questions asked. For example
Decker and
Stubblebine
(1972) found that psychiatric hospitalizations
were reduced when crisis
intervention procedures
were
used. Yet when Gottschalk, Fox,
and Bates (1973) compared
crisis patients with
patients who had
been
randomly assigned to a waiting
list, they could find no
differences in several indices of
psychiatric
improvement.
Other reports (Getz, Fujita, & Allen,
1975; Huessy, 1972; Maris
& Connor, 1973) are
much
more
optimistic. There are
obviously many problems in obtaining
controls in crisis intervention
research.
Thus,
little can be said with
certainty at this point. Not
all research shows the
efficacy of crisis
intervention.
However,
others argue that additional
preventive measures could
well reduce the number of
deaths from
suicide.
Clearly,
crisis interventions can
help reduce distress. For
example, when a teacher commits
suicide,
interventions
must be undertaken to at least try to
reduce students' shock
(Kneisel & Richards, 1988).
When
a
school bus collides with a
train, the survivors must be helped to
cope (Klingman, 1987). Under
such
circumstances,
the community cannot wait
for the ideal study to
demonstrate the utility of an
intervention.
Public
health workers and mental health workers have
long been aware of the
educational disadvantages
experienced
by the poor. Of great
concern is the fear that early
deprivation in crucial developmental
periods
will
mark the child for life.
Impoverished preschool environments and
experiences may almost
guarantee
that
the child will do poorly in
school and thus become
vulnerable to a wide variety of mental
health, legal,
and
social problems. But if
successful preschool interventions
can be developed, then a truly
preventive
course
of action will have been
taken.
HEAD
START PROGRAMS
The
best-known early childhood program is
Head Start.
In
the mid-1960s, President Johnson
created the
Office
of Economic Opportunity (OEO). Head Start
was one of the programs
targeted specifically for
dis-
advantaged
children. It was designed to
prepare preschool children
from disadvantaged backgrounds
for
elementary
school. Head Start programs
are locally controlled but
required to conform to general
federal
guidelines.
Local programs vary in
number of hours of attendance,
number of months (summer
versus the
entire
year), background of teachers, and so on.
The specific techniques used
also vary, but basic
learning
skills
are usually stressed.
Physical and medical needs
are also addressed, as are
general school preparation
and
adjustment.
5.
EVALUATION:
How
effective are these early
childhood programs? Gomby,
Lamer, Stevenson, Lewit, and
Behrman (1995)
find
it useful to distinguish between child-focused
programs and family-focused
programs. In the
former
case,
interventions are administered
directly to the child; in
the latter case, family
members (such as
parents)
receive the intervention or
training.
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Participation
in a child-focused program results in an average IQ
gain of about 8 points immediately
after
program
completion (although these
relative gains dissipate
over time), makes it less
likely that the child
will
be placed in special education or retained in
grade, and makes it more
likely that the child will
graduate
from
high school (Barnett, 1995;
Gomby et al., 1995). Positive social
outcomes resulting from
program
participation
have also been reported,
including fewer contacts
with the criminal justice
system, fewer out-
of-wedlock
births, and higher average
earnings than non participants (Gomby et
al., 1995; Yoshikawa,
1995).
Although
family-focused programs appear to
have more impact on parents' behaviors
than do child-focused
programs,
it is not clear how much
positive impact they have on
children (Gomby et al.,
1995; Yoshikawa,
1995).
Not only is the focus of
the intervention different,
but so is its intensity and
frequency. In the case
of
family
focused interventions, services may be
rendered only once a
week.
6.
SELF-HELP
Not
all help comes from
professionals. Informal groups of
helpers can provide valuable
support that may
stave
off the need for
professional intervention. What is more,
such nonprofessional self-help
groups as
Alcoholics
Anonymous, Parents without
Partners, Le Leche League,
AlAnon, and many others can
be
incorporated
as an effective part of treatment by a
referring professional.
What
needs do self-help groups
meet? Orford (1992)
discussed eight primary functions of self
help groups:
(1)
They provide emotional
support to members;
(2)
They provide role
models-individuals who have
faced and conquered problems
that group members
are
dealing
with;
(3)
They provide ways of
understanding members' problems;
(4)
They provide important and
relevant information;
(5)
They provide new ideas about
how to cope with existing
problems;
(6)
They give members the
opportunity to help other
members;
(7)
They provide social companionship;
and
(8)
They give members an
increased sense of mastery
and control over their
problems.
Clearly
self-help group serve
several important functions for
group members. However,
research suggests
that
professionals should be available to
serve as consultants to these
groups in order for the
groups to be
maximally
effective. Professionals should not
control the group, but a
total lack of involvement on
the part
of
a community psychologist does not
appear to be helpful either (Orford,
1992). Certain organizational
features
appear to be correlated with
the appraisal of group
success, including a
certain
degree of order and
rules
to govern the group as well
as the capability and
knowledge of group leaders
(Maton, 1988), and a
community
psychologist can play an invaluable
indirect role by serving as a consultant
to group leaders.
THE
ROLE OF PARAPROFESSIONALS
One
of the more visible features
of the community movement is its
use of laypersons who have
received no
formal
clinical training, or paraprofessionals,
as therapists. The use of
paraprofessionals in the mental
health
field has been growing,
but this trend has generated controversy.
In reviewing 42 studies,
Durlak
(1979)
concluded that professional education, training,
and experience are not
prerequisites for becoming an
effective
helping person. However,
Nietzel and Fisher (1981)
took issue with this conclusion
and urged
caution
in interpreting the results of many of
the studies reviewed by
Durlak. They argued that many of
the
studies
included in the Durlak
review were methodologically
flawed, and objected to Durlak's
definitions of
"professional"
and "paraprofessional." With these
and other criticisms in mind,
Hattie, Sharpley, and
Rogers
(1984) reanalyzed the
studies included in the
Durlak review.
Results
from their meta-analysis-concurred
with those of Durlak. The
overall results
favored
paraprofessionals,
especially those who were
more experienced and
received greater amounts of
training.
More
recent summaries have also
argued that the available
evidence suggests that paraprofessionals
may be
as
effective as (and in some
cases more effective than)
professionals.
Besides
effectiveness, there is also
the issue of access to those
who can provide help.
Like it or not, most
individuals
who are in need of mental health
services do not seek out
mental health professionals.
Instead,
informal
"therapy" takes place in many
contexts and is provided by a
variety of laypersons. For example,
in
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Clinical
Psychology (PSY401)
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an
interesting and provocative set of
studies, Cowen (1982) 'investigated the
"helping behavior" of
hairdressers
and bartenders. Results indicated that a
small but significant proportion of
their customers
raised
moderate to serious personal
problems, and both
hairdressers and bartenders
attempted a range of
interventions
(for example, just listening, trying to
be supportive and sympathetic, presenting
alternatives).
Many
community psychologists view
these and other studies as
evidence supporting the idea that
consultation
programs might be aimed at
laypersons that naturally come
into contact with
individuals with
mental
health needs. These needs
might not otherwise be addressed
because the target
individuals are not
likely
to seek out help from a
mental health professional.
Although
it hardly seems wise to
argue that professionally trained
clinical psychologists are
unnecessary, it
certainly
appears that there is a vital
role for paraprofessionals in
the mental health field today.
Clinical
psychologists
are needed, at the very
least, to serve as consultants.
Further, research may ultimately
indicate
that
certain types of mental health problems
respond better to services
provided by a mental health
professional.
To date, however, the
research questions addressed
(for example, are
paraprofessionals
effective
overall?) have been too
broad to shed light on this
issue.
In
a relatively short time, the
community emphasis has
become a force that has led
clinical psychologists to
reexamine
many of their old assumptions.
But there are important
questions that must be confronted as
we
conclude
our discussion of this
field.
THE
TRAINING OF COMMUNITY
PSYCHOLOGISTS
At
present, many have difficulty in
understanding exactly what a
community psychologist is.
Perhaps
because
of its multidisciplinary orientation,
community psychology has yet
to develop an adequate or
identifiable
theoretical framework apart from
those of other disciplines. This, at
times, makes for
role
confusion.
The community psychologist is part sociologist, part
political scientist, part
psychotherapist, part
ombudsman,
but lacks a specific identity.
This ambiguity makes it
difficult to design appropriate
training
programs.
Fortunately,
there are some guidelines
for training. The recent IOM
report (1994) recommends that
future
prevention
research specialists should have a
solid background in a relevant discipline
(such as nursing,
sociology,
social work, public health,
epidemiology, medicine, or clinical/community
psychology).
Training
in the design of interventions
and the empirical evaluations of
interventions is essential.
Finally,
practicum or internship-like training in
prevention is also recommended.
Educational requirements
for
prevention field specialists
(those that actually carry out
the interventions) are less
stringent. Often, a
bachelor's
degree in a relevant field
(such as psychology) is
sufficient.
Given
the increasing cultural and
ethnic diversity in the United
States, it is also important
for community
psychologists
to receive training in how
diversity issues may impact
their work. For example,
knowledge of
and
sensitivity to cultural and ethnic
differences will inform the
following activities and
roles of a
prevention
researcher (IOM,
1994):
1.
Developing relationships with community
leaders and organizations
2.
Conceptualizing and identifying potential
risk factors, mechanisms,
and antecedents of problems
or
disorders
3.
Developing interventions that will
have maximum effect, and deciding
how these should be
disseminated
and
delivered to the target
population
4.
Determining the content and
format of evaluation
instruments
In
order to achieve "cultural competence"
(Cross, Bazron, Dennis, & Isaacs,
1989; Isaacs &
Benjamin,
1991),
community psychologists need to
garner relevant professional experience
with a variety of
cultural
and
ethnic populations and to receive supervision
from those who have
expertise in designing,
implementing,
and evaluating interventions
for individuals from these
cultural and ethnic
groups.
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