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Globalization
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Lesson
35
FROM
VIOLENT CONFLICT TO PEACEFUL
CO-EXISTENCE
Text
of the handout
for
students
Note:
As a review of the
verbal and visual (i.e.
ppts) of this lecture will
show to the students, the content
covers
the subject in its different constituent
stages, proceeding from the
eruption and cessation of
violence
between
communities and countries to the
challenge of constructing and maintaining
stable and peaceful
relations
between those who have
previously been involved in mutually or
directly destructive actions.
The
text of the following material on
reconciliation is excerpted from the
handbook titled:
"Reconciliation
After
Violent Conflict", published by the
International Institute for
Democracy and Electoral
Assistance
(IDEA)
based in Stockholm, Sweden in
2003.
The
address, contact details and
website of IDEA are: International
IDEA, Stromsborg, SE-103
34
Stockholm,
Sweden. Tel: 46 8 698 3700,
Fax: 46 8 20 24 22, email: info@idea.int;
website:
http://www.idea.int.
This
particular excerpt is taken from
Chapter 1 of the handbook, the title of
the Chapter is:
"Reconciliation:
an
Introduction", written by David
Bloomfield.
For
a more comprehensive portrayal of the
subject, students are
advised to visit the website of
IDEA.
However,
the content of the lecture and the
handout, along with references to the
reading list should give
students
an adequate appreciation of the subject of the
lecture.
The
Process of Reconciliation
Reconciliation
means different things to different
people. Its significance
varies from culture to culture,
and
changes
with the passage of time. To get a
grip on the concept, four
basic questions are
pertinent:
What?
Who?
How?
When?
2.1
What
is Reconciliation?
2.1.1
Ideally
Ideally,
reconciliation prevents, once
and for all, the use of the
past as the seed for renewed
conflict. It
consolidates
peace, breaks the cycle of violence
and strengthens newly established or
re-introduced
democratic
institutions.
As
a backward-looking operation, reconciliation
brings about the personal
healing of survivors, the reparation
of
past injustices, the building or
rebuilding of non-violent relationships
between individuals
and
communities,
and the acceptance by the former
parties to a conflict of a common vision
and understanding
of
the past. In its forward-looking
dimension, reconciliation means enabling victims
and perpetrators to
get
on
with life and, at the level of
society, the establishment of a civilized
political dialogue and an
adequate
sharing
of power.
2.1.2
In
Practice
In
practice such all-encompassing
reconciliation is not easy to
realize. The experience of a
brutal past makes
the
search for peaceful
co-existence a delicate and intricate
operation. Reconciliation is not an
isolated act,
but
a constant readiness to leave the tyranny
of violence and fear behind. It is
not an event but a process,
and
as
such usually a difficult,
long and unpredictable one,
involving various steps and
stages. Each move
demands
changes in attitudes (e.g.
tolerance instead of revenge), in conduct
(e.g., joint commemoration of
all
the
dead instead of separate,
partisan memorials) and in the
institutional environment (e.g.,
integrating the
war
veterans of both sides into
one national army instead of
keeping ex-combatants in quasi-private
militias).
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Above
all, the approach must be that
every step counts, that
every effort has value,
and that in this
delicate
domain
even a small improvement is significant
progress.
There
is a certain danger in talking about
reconciliation in terms of strict
sequence. The process is not
a
linear
one. At each stage a relapse
back into more violent
means of dealing with conflicts is
always a real
possibility.
And the stages do not always
follow logically after each other in
any set order. Nonetheless,
they
remain
essential ingredients for
lasting reconciliation.
Three
stages
Stage1.
Replacing Fear by Non-Violent
Co-existence
When
the shooting stops, the first step
away from hatred, hostility
and bitterness is the achievement of
non-
violent
co-existence between the antagonist
individuals and groups. This
means at a minimal looking
for
alternatives
to revenge. A South African observer,
Charles Villa-Viceencio, writes: "At the
lowest level co-
existence
implies no more than a willingness
not to kill one another a
case of walking by on the other
side
of
the street". For some the basis
for this step will be
war-weariness or the simple but
realistic conclusion
that
killing does not bring the
dead back to life, or it may
be based on the belief that, as Martin
Luther King
said,
those who do not learn to
live together as brothers are all going
to perish together as fools. An
encouraging
thought here is that, even in the
midst of the cruelest conflicts, small
islands of tolerance
and
civility
always continue to exist men
and women who, through
acts of extreme courage,
save the lives of
people
"from the other side".
The
move towards such co-existence
requires first of all that
victims and perpetrators be freed from
the
paralysing
isolation and all-consuming
self-pity in which they often
live. This involves the
building or renewal
of
communication inside the communities of victims
and offenders and between
them. Political
and
community
leaders, non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) and religious institutions
have a serious
responsibility
here. They can initiate or
sustain programmes for such
liberating communications. Or,
as
symbolic
representatives of victims and offenders, they
can initiate dialogue if
those directly involved are
not
yet
ready to talk.
A
second condition is a safe
environment. Without a minimum of
physical security there is no
prospect of
any
progress along the path to reconciliation. Local
and/or international political
decision-makers have a
crucial
role to play at this point. Serious
effort must be directed
towards establishing the rule of law
on
equitable
and accepted terms.
Conflicts
do not disappear with this
step in the reconciliation process.
Individuals, groups and
communities
continue
to be adversaries, but they agree to
disagree and to use less
violent means to accommodate
old (and
new)
disputes. One possible way is to
exchange private vengeance
for retribution by an institution
(e.g., a
criminal
court) which is bound by agreed
rules.
Stage2.
When Fear No Longer Rules:
Building Confidence and
Trust
Then,
in due course, co-existence
evolves towards a relation of trust. This
second stage in the
process
requires
that each party, both the
victim and the offender,
gains renewed confidence in himself or
herself and
in
each other. It also
entails believing that
humanity is present in every
man and woman; an
acknowledgement
of the humanity of others is the basis of
mutual trust and opens the door
for the gradual
arrival
of a sustainable culture of non-violence. In the
context of Kosovo, Howard Clark
writes: "One can
counsel
distinguishing between a person and
his actions, hating the sin
while trying not to hate the
sinner; one
can
also attempt to understand the human
weakness of those who were
swept away by the tide.
However,
even
when one cannot forgive,
there are some minimum
standards below which one
should not sink: social
reconstruction
demands respecting the rights of those
one detests. This respect is in
itself an assertion of
one's
own humanity".
Another
product of stage 2 is the victim's
capacity to distinguish degrees of guilt
among the perpetrators to
disaggregate
individual and community. This is an
important move in destroying atrocity myths, which
keep
alive
the idea that all the
members of a rival group are
actual or potential perpetrators.
Courts of law can
make
a difference here: their mission is
precisely to individualize guilt.
Traditional justice mechanisms
often
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create
similar opportunities. In October
2001 the population of Rwanda
elected more than 200,000
lay
judges
who oversee some 10,000
gacaca tribunals, a society-rooted institution
where individuals' guilt in
the
1994
genocide will be publicly
discussed.
For
trust and confidence to truly develop, a
post-conflict society has to
put in place a minimum of
functional
institutions
a non-partisan judiciary, an effective civil
service and an appropriate legislative
structure. It is
this
condition that links a
reconciliation policy to the many
other tasks of transition
from violent conflict
to
durable
peace.
Stage3.
Towards Empathy
Empathy
comes with the victims' willingness to
listen to the reasons for the hatred of
those who caused
their
pain
and with the offenders' understanding of
the anger and bitterness of
those who suffered. One way
to
make
this possible is the work of truth
commissions, sifting fact from
fiction, truth from myth. In
addition,
such
commissions may lead to an
official acknowledgement of the injustice
inflicted. Truth-telling is also
a
precondition
of reconciliation because it creates
objective opportunities for people to see the
past in terms of
shared
suffering and collective responsibility.
More important still is the
recognition that victims
and
offenders
share a common identity, as survivors and
as human beings, and simply
have to get on with
each
other.
In some cases, the parties in the
conflict will seek and
discover meeting points
where partnership
appears
more sensible than sustained
conflict. Common interests may be
found in roles and identities
that
cross
former lines of division,
such as religion, gender and
generation or region, as in the case of
the
Burundian
province of Ngozi, where
Hutu and Tutsi are
collaborating closely in an attempt to improve
the
prospects
of their region, thus transcending the
divisions of the past. Economic concerns
too may inspire
such
bridging activities, as they do in
Kosovo, where Albanian trade
unionists and a Serbian workers'
movement
have established post-war
contract.
Empathy
does not necessarily lead to
a fully harmonious society or to national
unity. Conflicts
and
controversy
are part and parcel of
all human communities.
Moreover, empathy does
not exclude the
continuation
of feelings of anger. Nor
does it require that the victim be
ready to forgive and
forget.
Pardoning
the offenders will, of course, broaden the
basis for empathy, but for
many victims it may be
too
distant,
or too sudden, a goal and to
pursue it relentlessly may
result in any abrupt and
early end to the entire
reconciliation
process. At this stage it may be unjust
to ask victims to forgive if perpetrators
refrain from
expressing
regret and remorse, as has
been the case in Argentina, Chile
and Guatemala.
Accompanying
the Three Stages: Introduction of the
Codes of Democracy and a
Just Socio-Economic
Order.
Peaceful co-existence, trust and
empathy do not develop in a sustainable
way if structural injustices in
the
political, legal and
economic domains remain. A
reconciliation process must therefore be
supported by a
gradual
sharing of power, an honouring of
each other's political commitments, the
creation of a climate
conducive
to human rights and economic
justice, and a willingness
among the population at large to
accept
responsibility
for the past and for the
future in other words,
reconciliation must be backed by
the
recognition
of the essential codes of
democracy.
There
are many examples of
societies where reconciliation
has remained hollow or
unfinished precisely
because
one side of a previous divide
refused, consciously or unintentionally,
to acknowledge this need
for
democracy.
Zimbabwe's recent history is a
frightening demonstration of what happens when this is
the case.
Zimbabwe
was for many years
acclaimed as a model of reconciliation
between blacks and whites
after long-
lasting
colonial rule and a bloody
military conflict. But
thorough going economic justice
has not been
achieved.
It is widely believed that the end of the
policy of reconciliation is partly
based on and backed by
a
general
disappointment among large sections of
the black population who see
that the economic
disparities
between
Africans and white settlers
have not disappeared.
2.1.3
What
Reconciliation Is Not
The
use of the term "reconciliation" in
dealing with past human
injustice is not without its
dangers. The
interpretation
of the concept is contested, and
there are many erroneous
notions of what reconciliation
is.
(See
section 1.2 clarifications of the
definitions of reconciliation).
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In
a political context, those who want
nothing done may cynically plan
reconciliation merely as a
smokescreen.
Victims, one the other hand,
may perceive and condemn it
as a code word for
simply
forgetting.
For those who have to
live with their own
pain and trauma, the term is
indeed extremely
sensitive.
As
a victim of apartheid told the South
African Truth and Reconciliation
Commission (TRC),
"Reconciliation
is
only in the vocabulary of those
who can afford it. It is
non-existent to a person whose
self-respect has
been
stripped away and poverty is a
festering wound that
consumes his soul". A
general feeling among
black
and
coloured South Africans is that the
discourse on reconciliation has
pressured them towards a
premature
closure
with the past.
A
second source of misunderstandings is
that the people of a post-conflict
society are sometimes forced to
be
impatient,
as if co-existence, trust and empathy
can come swiftly. Such
timing, expecting too
much too
soon,
especially if it is proclaimed as official
policy is doomed to fail. Reconciliation
must be seen as a
long-
term
process that may take
decades or generations. Reconciliation
based on ambiguity will not
last. The
notion
and its interpretation must
be publicly discussed. Here
lies a task for the authorities, the
media,
schools
and civil society in its
broadcast shape NGOs,
advocacy groups, religious institutions
and so on.
The
need for peaceful
co-existence, trust and empathy
must be internalized before any effective
policy can be
set
in motion. Such society-wide
debate will have to take
into account that genuine
reconciliation is much
more
than rebuilding relationships
between former enemies, or
between victims and
perpetrators.
2.2
Reconciliation:
Who is Involved?
Co-existence,
trust and empathy develop between
individuals who are
connected as victims, beneficiaries
and
perpetrators.
This is reconciliation at the interpersonal level.
That is, for example, what
happens when the
victim
is willing to shake hands
with the torturer who
inflicted their pain? Many
initiatives in the area of
healing
(for example, medication) take this
route towards reconciliation. However,
all the steps in the
process
also
entail the reconciling of groups and
communities as a whole. Each perspective,
the interpersonal and the
collective,
has its own chemistry
but they are equally
important in the process.
Individual
victims and perpetrators are at the
heart of all reconciliation
activities. However, both
categories
embrace
many more persons and
groups than those who are
directly involved in acts of
political, ethnic or
religious
violence. The definition of victim
hood as it is used in chapter 4,
includes family
members,
neighbours
and even friends of direct victims, all
of whom may have been
traumatized by what they have
experienced
or witnessed.
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