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Introduction
to Economics ECO401
VU
Lesson
9.2
THE
USE OF MACROECONOMIC DATA, AND THE
DEFINITION AND ACCOUNTING OF
NATIONAL
INCOME
(CONTINUED.................)
Gross
National Product
(GNP):
Gross
national product (GNP) is
the value, at current market
prices, of all final goods
and
services
produced during a year by
the factors owned by the
citizens of a country. Thus
the
income
earned by Pakistani citizens
working in the US would be
included in Pakistan's GNP
but
excluded from Pakistan's
GDP. Conversely, the income
earned by a US citizen
(individual
or
corporate) in Pakistan would be
included in Pakistan's GDP
but excluded from
Pakistan's
GNP.
Generally, GNP = GDP + net
factor income from
abroad.
Net
National Product
(NNP):
Mathematically,
national income is net
national product (NNP). It is GNP
adjusted for
depreciation.
In words, it is the net
output of commodities and
services flowing during the
year
from
the country's production
system in the hands of
ultimate consumers.
Per
Capita Income, Personal
Income and Disposable
Income:
Per
capita income is obtained by
dividing the national income
by the total number
of
population.
It is the average annual
income per head for
all the inhabitants of the
country; it is
used
to represent the standard of
living of the people.
The
personal income of an individual is
the total amount of income
s/he receives form
deploying
all the different factors of
production s/he owns.
Aggregate personal income is
just
the
above definition aggregated
for the whole of the
economy.
Disposable
income is obtained by subtracting
the amount of direct taxes
from the personal
income
of the person. Aggregate
holds as above as
well.
Real
GDP, Nominal GDP and
Price Deflator:
Real
flow includes services of
land labor and capital
going from households to
firms, and
products
of firms as physical goods of
services flowing to households.
Real GDP therefore
excludes
the effect of prices and
focuses entirely on the
volume (or quantity) of
goods and
services
produced.
Money
(or nominal) flow includes
the payments firms make to
households for factor
services
and
also it includes the
household spending money to
buy goods from firms.
Nominal GDP
would
therefore include the effect
of changes in the price
level, as it is a measure of the
money
value
of goods and services
produced.
It
is the price deflator (see
price\ratio expression in brackets
below) which enables us to
move
from
nominal to real GDP. It
provides a measure of the
change in prices from the
base (or
benchmark)
year to year `a', given
values for some aggregate
price index for the
two years:
Real
GDP year a = Nominal GDP
year a X (Price Index base
year / Price Index year
a)
Using
a similar formula and the
same base year, Real
GDP year b can be calculated
and then
be
compared with Real GDP
year a to get an idea of
real GDP growth over
the `a' to `b'
period.
Per
Capita GDP:
Per
capita GDP is simply the
total GDP of the economy
divided by the no. of people
in the
economy.
The GDP of China might be
bigger than the GDP of
Switzerland but in average
per
capita
terms, Switzerland's income
might be several times that
of China's; the figure given
in
the
lectures was 160.
The
Purchasing Parity (PPP): The
purchasing power parity
(PPP) measure of GDP
recognizes
the fact that a given
amount of income in one
country might not be able
to
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Introduction
to Economics ECO401
VU
purchase
the same quantity of goods
and services in another
country. So, for e.g., if
China'
per
capita income is 1/160th of
Switzerland's per capital
income, it might be that
goods and
services
in China are much cheaper
and therefore China's per
capita income does not
need to
grow
160 times in order to
deliver the same standard of
living as in Switzerland. The
PPP GDP
per
capita is therefore a more
sensible measure to use for
comparison across countries
at
different
levels of development. This is
indeed the reason why
many international
development
organizations
prefer this over simple
GDP per capital.
Drawback
of GDP Based
Measures:
There
are many caveats with a
GDP based measure of
national income.
i.
GDP by definition excludes
productive activities in the
informal economy.
Thus,
activities
such as a person painting a
wall in his own house, or a
woman cooking
food
in her house, would be
excluded by a GDP-based measure. In
countries
where
a large part of economic
activity goes unreported and
undocumented (like
in
lower income countries), the
GDP might seriously
understate the level
of
national
income and
production.
ii.
GDP cannot include the
black or illegal economy.
So, for example, if a
banned
good
is produced illegally and
exported outside the
country, and foreign money
is
received
in exchange for it, then
that "export revenue" will
not be included as
part
of
the GDP. Lower income
countries often confront a
large black economy
which
cannot
be documented. Living standards in
such countries are therefore
often
higher
than what a per capital
income measure based on GDP
would suggest.
iii.
A GDP-based measure of welfare or
living standards also needs
to be corrected
for
externalities. For e.g., if a
country's GDP is growing at a
very fast rate but
this
is
at the cost of rising
environmental pollution (which
might cause serious
future
health
hazards) or non-renewable natural
resource depletion, then a
simple GDP
measure
of income will overstate the
performance of the economy
and ignore the
serious
long-term risks it
faces.
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Introduction
to Economics ECO401
VU
END
OF UNIT 9 - EXERCISES
If
we were trying to get a
`true' measure of national
production, which of the
following
activities
would you include: (a)
washing-up; (b) planting
flowers in the garden;
(c)
playing
an educational game with
children in the family; (d)
playing any game
with
children
in the family; (e) cooking
your own supper; (f)
cooking the supper for
the
whole
family; (g) reading a novel
for pleasure; (h) reading a
textbook as part of
studying?
Is there a measurement problem if
you get pleasure from
the do-it-yourself
activity
itself as well as from its
outcome?
The
difficulty stems from
separating production from
consumption. In the
paid-employment
sector
of the economy, the
distinction is clear. With
production, money flows from
firms to
households
(as wages, etc.), and
with consumption, money
flows from households to
firms.
Many
activities in the home,
however, have both a
production and consumption
element.
Although
they all lead to a benefit
when complete (e.g.
washing-up leads to clean
dishes),
several,
if not all, could give
pleasure while they are
actually being performed. If
so, should
two
lots of benefits be recorded
(or even three)? Playing an
educational game with
children
can
give pleasure to the
children, future benefits to
the children from the
educational element,
and
pleasure to the parents.
Then there is the cost
element. Should this be
deducted? It is
not
deducted for marketed
output. In other words, the
final value of goods and
services sold is
what
is included, not the value
minus the cost of producing
them: costs such as the
disutility
(effort,
boredom, etc.) experienced by
workers.
Ideally,
a true measure of national
welfare, as opposed to national
production, should be
only
a
net measure (i.e. benefits
from consumption, minus
costs of production). If this
principle was
used
to measure welfare in the
household, then all
pleasurable activities should be
included
with
a positive sign (including
things such as reading a
novel for pleasure) and
anything
causing
displeasure should be recorded
with a negative sign. Most
of the above
activities
would
have elements of both
benefits and costs.
However, when marketed
national
production
is recorded, costs are
ignored, and so for
comparative purposes,
household
production
should be recorded on the
same basis, and only
the benefits
recorded.
All
the above items bring
pleasure, either directly
(such as reading a novel) or
indirectly (such
as
doing the washing-up), and
in this sense they should
all be included, but whether
activities
that
give direct pleasure should
count as production or merely as
consumption, is a question of
definition.
Review
this question after the
balance of payments lectures. If
the Malaysian ringgit
is
undervalued
by 47 per cent in PPP terms
against the US dollar, and
the Swiss franc
overvalued
by 53 per cent, what
implications does this have
for the interpretation
of
Malaysian,
Swiss and US GDP
statistics?
The
GDP figures understate the
purchasing value of Malaysian
national income by 47 per
cent
relative
to US national income, and
overstate the purchasing
value of Swiss national
income
by
53 per cent relative to US
national income. In other
words, at the exchange rates
in
question,
Malaysian national income
seems 47 per cent lower
relative US national
income
than
it really is in purchasing terms,
and Swiss national income
seems 53 per cent
higher
relative
to US national income than it
really is in purchasing
terms.
If
there are no sales taxes, no
net factor income from
abroad and no depreciation,
will
the
GDP at market prices and
national income measures
collapse to the same
thing?
Yes.
i.
National income is NNP at factor
cost = GNP at factor cost -
depreciation. Since
depreciation
= 0, NNP at factor cost = GNP at factor
cost.
ii.
GNP at factor cost = GDP at
factor cost + net factor
income from abroad.
Since
net
factor income from abroad =
0, GNP at factor cost = GDP at
factor cost
iii.
GDP at factor cost = GDP at
market price sales
taxes. Since sales taxes =
0,
GDP
at factor cost = GDP at
market price
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to Economics ECO401
VU
iv.
Therefore NNP at factor cost =
GDP at market price.
If
nominal GDP has increased by
10% over last year
but real GDP has
fallen by 2%, by
what
percentage must have prices
risen?
12%.
Real GDP growth rate =
GDP growth rate the
rate of inflation. -2% = 10%
+?;? = -
12%.
Is
population growth good or
bad for a country's economic
welfare?
It
depends. If the energies of
the growing population (and
labour force) can be
usefully and
efficiently
employed towards productive
activity, then the growth
impact of the larger
population
may dominate the negative
impact of the large
denominator in the per
capital
income
formula. However, if more
and more people produce
less and less (law of
diminishing
returns)
and the quality of human
capital created is generally
poor, then it might well be
that a
large
population leads to a decline in
per capita income and
hence average living
standards.
It
also depends on the starting
level of the population. In
many African countries,
centuries of
slavery
and migration to other
countries, and decades of
disease and wars, have
led to the
working
populations in these countries to
fall below the minimum
threshold required for
them
to
"take off" in an economic
sense. By contrast, many
South Asian and East
Asian countries
are
quite heavily populated and
could use a little cooling
down of population growth
rates.
How
should one treat
macroeconomic statistics?
With
extreme caution, as such
data is likely to be used
and abused by different
interest groups
to
support their respective
stories. It is usually not
the data which is misleading
or not
consistent
with the truth but
the manner in which it is
presented which makes a
certain
interpretation
of that data more likely.
Objective analysis of data
consists in stripping it off
its
particular
dressings and looking at all
the possible stories it can
tell.
By
what would we need to divide
GDP in order to get a
measure of labour
productivity
per
hour?
The
total number of hours worked
in the year throughout the
country.
Is
the size of the underground
or black economy likely to
increase or decrease as
the
level
of unemployment rises?
It
could rise or fall depending
on which of two effects is
the larger. On the one
hand, if a
certain
proportion of unemployed people
claim unemployment benefit
and work in the
underground
economy, then, with a higher
official level of unemployed,
the size of the
underground
economy is likely to be bigger. On
the other hand, if the
economy is in
recession,
it is likely that the size
of the underground economy
will shrink along with
the rest of
the
economy.
Name
some external benefits that
are not included in GDP
statistics?
Three
examples are: the pleasure
people get from seeing
other people's attractive
houses and
gardens,
aesthetically pleasing architecture,
improved health from a
better diet.
Are
worries about the
consequences of economic growth a
`luxury' that only
rich
countries
can afford?
This
is a very cynical way of
looking at the issue. The
point is that the marginal
benefit of
increased
output in a poor country is
likely to be much higher
than in a rich country
(given the
diminishing
marginal utility of income).
Thus if a costbenefit study
were done of specific
growth
policies, the benefits would
probably enter with a higher
value per unit in a poor
country
than
in a rich country. This does
not mean that the
cost should be ignored. It is
just that
people
may be prepared to make
bigger sacrifices for
increased output in poor
countries than
in
rich countries.
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Introduction
to Economics ECO401
VU
We
must be careful with these
arguments, however. They
could be used to `justify'
policies
that
are highly damaging to the
environment by governments which
have little long-term
interest
in the welfare of the
people, or by firms which
are unconcerned about
the
environmental
consequences of their activities.
The point is that costs
should still be taken
into
account: it is just that the
benefits should possibly be
given a higher
weighting.
If
a retailer buys a product
from a wholesaler for £80
and sells it to a consumer
for £100,
then
the £20 of value that
has been added will go
partly in wages, partly in
rent and
partly
in profits. Thus £20 of
income has been generated at
the retail stage. But
the
good
actually contributes a total of
£100 to GDP. Where then is
the remaining £80
worth
of income recorded?
At
the wholesale stage and
earlier. Each stage adds
value value that is
partly in wages,
partly
in rent, etc. When the
values added at all the
stages are summed, this
gives the final
value
of the good.
An
index called the index of
sustainable economic welfare
(ISEW) has been
developed
by
certain economists to measure
sustainable development in different
countries. The
index
takes account of factors
like depletion of natural
resources which reduces
the
likelihood
of growth being sustained.
Make out a case against
using ISEW. How
would
an
advocate of the use of ISEW
reply to your
points?
There
are three major criticisms
of ISEW. The first concerns
its use as a substitute for
GDP.
GDP
is not meant to be a true
measure of living standards,
both now and sustainable
into the
future.
Instead it is primarily a measure of
output that involves
exchange, an important
measure
when attempting to understand
the relationship between
aggregate demand (as
expressed
through exchange relationships)
and aggregate supply.
The second
criticism
concerns
the selection of items that
should be included. Any list
could be criticized
for
including
too many or too few
items. For example, it could
be argued that various forms
of
public
expenditure should be included
(other than on health and
education, which are
already
included).
On the other hand, various
forms of `services of household
labour' are not
clearly
production.
They could be seen as a form
of consumption. For example,
does time spent
gardening
constitutes work or pleasure? We
would not include watching
television or sitting
relaxing
as production, so should be include
gardening or any other
hobbies as production
which
generates pleasure when
consumed or merely as pure
consumption? Similarly, do
relationships
between people constitute
the `provision of services' or is it
rather mere joint
consumption?
The third and perhaps
the most serious criticism
concerns measurement.
How,
for example, should the
depletion of non-renewable resources or
long-term
environmental
damage be measured? Such
measurement entails various
value judgments
about
the relationship between
present and future costs. In
fact, the value placed on
all non-
marketed
items is likely to be highly
controversial (more so than
marketed items, where
corrections
for market distortions could
relatively easily be
made).
An
advocate of ISEW would reply
that ISEW, as its name
says, is meant to be a measure
of
sustainable
economic welfare, and not a
measure of marketed output
and is thus doing
something
different from the
conventional use of GDP. If GDP is
used, not for its
original
purpose,
but as a measure of welfare,
then ISEW is superior. As
far as the selection of
items
and
their measurement is concerned,
there will be inevitably be
disagreement, because
people
have different values. But
here the advocate of ISEW
would reply with the
last two
sentences
of the box.
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