/
40-28_files/40-2800001im.jpg" width="695"
height="1066" useMap="#Map">
Business
Ethics MGT610
VU
LESSON
28
THE
ETHICS OF POLLUTION
CONTROL
Businesses
have been ignoring their
impact on the natural
environment for centuries,
largely
because
the economic costs and
harmful effects of this
impact have been unclear.
Businesses
have
treated air and water as free
goods that no one owns. Since
the carrying capacity of
both is
so
large, each individual firm
sees its own contribution to
pollution as negligible.
Combined,
however,
the effects are enormous.
The harm comes not
only from the direct
activity of
businesses.
Pollution also occurs as a result of
consumer use of manufactured
items. The
problems
of pollution have a variety of
origins, and will require a similarly
varied set of
solutions.
The rest of this chapter concentrates on
a single range of problems, the
ethical issues
raised
by pollution from commercial and
industrial enterprises.
Because
our environment is so complex and
its parts are so interwoven,
many theorists
believe
that
our duty to protect the
environment extends beyond
the welfare of humans to
other
nonhuman
parts of the system. This
idea, called ecological
ethics or deep ecology,
maintains
that
the environment deserves to be preserved
for its own sake,
regardless of whether or not
this
directly
benefits humanity. Because
the various parts of an ecological
system are
interrelated,
the
activities of one of its parts will
affect all the other parts.
Because the various parts
are
interdependent,
the survival of each part
depends on the survival of
the other parts. Business
firms
(and all other social
institutions) are parts of a larger
ecological system, "spaceship
earth."
Several
supporters of this approach have
formulated their views in a
platform consisting of
the
following
statements:
i.
The
well-being and flourishing of human and
nonhuman life on earth have
value in
themselves.
These values are independent of
the usefulness of the
nonhuman world for
human
purposes.
ii.
Richness
and diversity of life forms
contribute to the realization of
these values and are
also
values in themselves.
iii.
Humans
have no right to reduce this
richness and diversity except to
satisfy vital needs.
iv.
The
flourishing of human life and
cultures is compatible with a
substantial decrease of
the
human population. The
flourishing of nonhuman life
requires such a
decrease.
v.
Present
human interference with the
nonhuman world is excessive, and the
situation is
rapidly
worsening.
vi.
Policies
must therefore be changed. The
changes in policies affect
basic economic,
technological,
and ideological structures. The
resulting state of affairs will be
deeply
different
from the present.
vii.
The
ideological change is mainly that of
appreciating life quality,
rather than adhering
to
an increasingly higher standard of
living.
viii.
Those
who subscribe to the foregoing
points have an obligation
directly or indirectly to
participate
in the attempt to implement
the necessary changes.
An
ecological ethic, therefore,
claims that the welfare of
at least some nonhumans is
intrinsically
valuable and deserving of respect and
protection. Utilitarian and rights
arguments
both
support such a view. Under
either system, for instance,
it would be wrong to raise
animals
for
food in painful
conditions.
63
/
40-28_files/40-2800002im.jpg" width="695"
height="1066" useMap="#Map">
Business
Ethics MGT610
VU
Though
some of the views of deep
ecology are unusual and
controversial, two traditional
views
of
ethics can also help us to develop an
environmental ethic: utilitarianism and
concern for
human
rights.
William
T. Blackstone has argued that
the possession of a livable
environment is something to
which
every human being has a
right. To some extent, U.S.
federal law recognizes this
concept.
The
main difficulty with
Blackstone's view, however, is
that it fails to provide any
nuanced
guidance
on several pressing environmental choices.
This lack of nuance in the
absolute rights
approach
is especially problematic when
the costs of removing
certain amounts of pollution
are
high
in comparison to the benefits
that will be attained.
Utilitarianism
can answer some of the
difficulties with Blackstone's
theory. Utilitarians
see
environmental
problems as market defects, arguing
that pollution should be
avoided because it
harms
society's welfare.
To
make this position clear, it is
helpful to distinguish between
private costs and social
costs.
Private
costs are the actual
cost; a firm incurs to
produce a commodity. Social
costs include the
costs
that the firm does
not paythe costs of
pollution and medical care
that result from
the
manufacture
of the commodities. The
divergence of private and social
costs is problematic
because
the divergence means that
price no longer accurately
reflects all of the costs of
a
commodity.
This means that resources
are not being allocated
efficiently, and society's
welfare
consequently
declines.
When
markets do not take all
costs into account, more of
a commodity will be produced
than
society
would demand if it could measure
what it is actually paying
for the commodity. In
addition,
producers ignore these costs
and do not try to minimize
them. Since goods are
no
longer
efficiently distributed to consumers,
pollution violates the
utilitarian principles
that
underlie
the market system.
The
remedy for external costs,
according to utilitarians, is to
internalize them to ensure that
the
producer
pays all of the real costs
of production and uses these
costs to determine the price
of
the
commodity. To internalize the
costs of pollution, a firm
may be required to pay all
those
harmed
by pollution. A problem with
this way of internalizing
the costs of pollution,
however,
is
that when several polluters
are involved, it is not
always clear just who is
being harmed and
by
whom. Alternatively, the
firm might install pollution
control devices and stop the harm at
its
source.
This
way of dealing with
pollution is consistent with
the requirements of distributive
justice.
Since
pollution's external costs
are largely borne by the
poor, pollution produces a net
flow of
benefits
away from the poor and
towards the rich.
Internalizing these costs can reverse
this
flow.
However, if a firm makes
basic goods, such as food,
then internalizing costs may
place a
heavier
burden on poorer people.
Internalizing
external costs is also consistent
with retributive and compensatory
justice, because
those
who are responsible for
pollution bear the burden of
rectifying it and compensating
those
who
have been harmed. Taken
together, these requirements
imply that (a) the
costs of pollution
control
should be borne by those who
cause pollution and who have
benefited from
pollution
activities,
whereas (b) the benefits of
pollution control should
flow to those who have had
to
bear
the external costs of
pollution. Internalizing external
costs seems to meet these
two
requirements:
(a) The costs of pollution
control are borne by
stockholders and customers,
both
64
/
40-28_files/40-2800003im.jpg" width="695"
height="1066" useMap="#Map">
Business
Ethics MGT610
VU
of
whom benefit from the
polluting activities of the
firm; and (b) the benefits
of pollution
control
flow to those neighbors who once had to
put up with the firm's
pollution.
Since
the effects of pollution are
so harmful, it might seem
that no action to remedy
pollution
could
be too drastic. However, if a
firm spends a greater amount on a
pollution control
device
than
the amount of damage the
pollution would cause, then
the firm should not
install it; the
economic
utility of society will be damaged if
they do. The amount a
firm should invest in
pollution
control, then, must rest on a
cost-benefit analysis: a precise
calculation of what
the
device
or practice would cost and what
its expected benefits would
be. Thomas Klein
summarized
the procedures for cost-benefit
analysis as follows:
i.
Identify
costs and benefits of the
proposed program and the person or
sectors incurring
or
receiving them. Trace
transfers.
ii.
Evaluate
the costs and benefits in
terms of their value to
beneficiaries and donors.
The
standard
of measure is the value of
each marginal unit to
demanders and suppliers
ideally
captured in competitive prices. Useful
refinements involve:
a.
Incorporating time values
through the use of a
discount rate.
b.
Recognizing risk by factoring possible
outcomes according to probabilities
and,
where
dependent, probability trees.
iii.
Add
up costs and benefits to determine
the net social benefit of a
project or program.
The
problems involved in getting accurate
measurements of the benefits and costs of
pollution
control
are also illustrated by the
difficulties businesses have
encountered in trying to
construct
a
social audit (a report of
the social costs and social
benefits of the firm's
activities). This can
be
difficult, however. How do we
measure the costs and
benefits of pollution control
when they
involve
damages to human life or
health? Measurement itself is also
difficult when the
effects
of
pollution are uncertain and
therefore hard to predict. In
fact, getting accurate
pollution
measurements
is sometimes nearly impossible, and the
problem only is multiplied
when there
are
a number of polluters in a single
area. Measuring benefits is
likewise difficult, which
poses
significant
technical problems for
utilitarian approaches to
pollution.
Even
where measurement is not a problem,
another problem remains for
the utilitarian
approach.
Is it morally permissible to impose costs
on unwilling or unknowing citizens?
Can
some
unilaterally impose costs on others
without their consent? Even
getting consent is
tricky,
because
many pollution problems
involve information and risks
that are extremely
technical
and
difficult to understand. It is perhaps
impossible in principle to get informed
consent from a
segment
of the public on some
complicated issues.
65